Friday, April 27, 2001

No. 009 Primorye Election Update: April 27, 2001 And the Winners Are...


 

 

 

                                                                                                                 No. 009

                                                    


                                           U.S. Consulate General, Vladivostok

                                                             April 27,  2001

 

 

                 Primorye Election Update: April 27, 2001

 

 

And the Winners Are...

With the expiration of the April 26 deadline, the Primorye Election Commission has announced that 14 of 34 candidates have qualified to be included on the May 27 ballot.  The lucky "winners" are listed below in the order in which they qualified, with the favorites highlighted in bold:

 

1)     Vladimir Grishukov (1956), State Duma deputy, leader of Primorye communists

2)     Viktor Cherepkov (1942), well-known State Duma Deputy representing Primorye, ex-mayor of Vladivostok who was deposed by Nazdratenko and his allies

3)     Vladimir Omsharuk (1950), retired colonel

4)     Aleksandr Kirilichev (1950), Primorye Shipping Company General Director, Primorye Duma deputy

5)     Gennadiy Apanasenko (1950), First Deputy of Polpred Pulikovskiy (rumored to be THE ONE who is supported by the federal government)

6)     Sergey Popov (1958), General Director of a regional metal processing center

7)     Vladimir Gilgenberg (1955), Primorye Duma Deputy, General Director of LLC “Korporatsiya Dalyokaya Okraina”  

8)     Igor Kasatonov (1939), a well-known admiral in Primorye

9)     Tatyana Loktionova (1951), ex-chairman of the Primorye Court of Arbitration

10)   Sergey Dar’kin (1963), General Manager of the JSC “Roliz” (he sells lots of SUVs, among other things).

11)   Igor’ Cherevkov (1966), Chief Editor of the “Dalnevostochnaya Respublika” (Far Eastern Republic) newspaper

12)   Sergey Zhekov (1957), Chairman of the Primorye Duma, member of the Federation Council

13)   Valentin Dubinin (1946), Acting Governor of Primorye -- the favorite

14)   Yuriy Rybalkin (1948), Primorye Duma Deputy

 

Much to the relief of the real Gennadiy Apanasenko, none of the fake Apanasenkos from St. Petersburg made it onto the ballot. Political observers here predict that no one will win the election outright in the first round. To do this a candidate would need to get more than 35% of the votes (with a minimum of 25% of the electorate participating).  In the unlikely event that more than one person tops the 35% barrier, the one with the most votes will win outright.  If no one gets more than 35%, the top two candidates will have two weeks to prepare for a runoff election. The candidate with the most votes in the runoff will then take the gubernatorial prize. Those handicapping the race at present predict the following finish: 1. Dubinin 2. Cherepkov  3. Apanasenko  4. Kirilichev  5. Dar'kin.  However, polls in Primorye are extremely unscientific, and most observers would not care to put their money where their mouth is. One of our better-informed contacts believes that Apanasenko may not even make the top five. If he doesn't, this could spell political trouble for Pulikovskiy, who has already backed losing candidates in three other RFE elections.

 

Nazdratenko Returns Incognito?  Well, Maybe Not

According to a number of news reports, last week former Governor Yevgeniy Nazdratenko returned to Primorye "incognito" to engage in a campaign designed to derail the upcoming elections and reinstate himself in power.  "Izvestiya" passed on a Yabloko party theory that Nazdratenko would encourage a majority of the Election Commission -- many of whom are his cronies -- to resign.  This would stop the election process and create enough chaos in Primorye to enable almost anything to happen.  Since the appearance of these stories, however, the more prosaic truth has unfortunately been discovered. It turns out that Nazdratenko did visit the Russian Far East -- but not Primorye.  He went instead to Sakhalin.  From there, he traveled with his two sons to Korea and returned to Moscow.  Too bad -- it was a good story.

 

            Tolstoshein (right)  with his pal, Volodya Zhirinovskiy

 

Tolstoshein Writing His Memoirs

Meanwhile, as he awaits a court decision on his lawsuit to get his old job back, former First Deputy Governor Tolstoshein is writing his memoirs.  The book will be entitled "A Kray of Emergencies" (Kray Chrezvychaynykh Situatsiy).  Tolstoshein claims that he is writing the book himself, which has led local wags to profess excitement at the prospect of learning whether Tolstoshein is actually literate -- or not.  Tolstoshein promises that his memoirs will come out before the election, and will cause some people to "faint dead away." In view of the tales that Tolstoshein could tell, if he actually intends to write a book then he would probably be wise to invest heavily in armored cars and bulletproof vests.

 

 

 

 

Thursday, April 26, 2001

No. 008 Meeting with Former Primorye Governor Vladimir Kuznetsov

  

 

 

No.  8

                                                    


                                                     U.S. Consulate General, Vladivostok

                                                                           April 26, 2001

 

 

 

 

Meeting with Former Primorye Governor Vladimir Kuznetsov

 


CG and Former Primorye Governor Vladimir Kuznetsov

 

I met with former Primorye Governor Vladimir Kuznetsov on the afternoon of April 26.  Kuznetsov, a Kozyrev man,  was Governor of Primorye in the early 1990s before Yevgeniy Nazdratenko came to power.  It was at Kuznetsov's urging that Vladivostok was opened to foreigners, and it was because of his frequent foreign trips that Nazdratenko and his supporters were able to engineer his removal in 1993.  Following his removal from the Governorship, Kuznetsov was appointed Russian Consul General in San Francisco.  He served there until 1997, and then he and his family stayed in the U.S., where he works as a consultant and Vice President of the Russian-American Cultural Foundation.  Kuznetsov is visiting Primorye to renew old acquaintances and to deliver lectures at DVGU (Far East State University) on Russian-American relations.  Over the past week, he has appeared on numerous TV news programs and talk shows in the Primorye area, but in public has been rather circumspect in his views.

 

Kuznetsov on the Gubernatorial Election

 

Kuznetsov was unsparing in his description of the various candidates for Governor, who, as of today, number 16 and counting.  He said none of them would have been his first choice for Governor.  "All the really good men left Primorye when they saw how Nazdratenko was ruining it."  However, he noted that he had met with Acting Governor Valentin Dubinin twice in the past week. He thought he had improved considerably since Kuznetsov knew him as head of the Anuchinskiy district in the early 1990s.  "He is not pure, and not brilliant, but he has good intentions."  Kuznetsov said that he and Dubinin were discussing the possibility of Kuznetsov's return to Primorye as an adviser on Foreign Relations to the Governor, should Dubinin win the election.  It was also possible that Kuznetsov might be appointed to the Federation Council, but this was a decided long shot.  In any event, his family would stay in Marin County. 

 

While Kuznetsov thought that Dubinin had the best chance for victory, he did not dismiss the possibility that former Mayor Cherepkov might win in a runoff.  "Cherepkov is very clever, and he will ally with anyone (i.e., even Nazdratenko) to improve his chances of winning."  Kuznetsov thought Deputy PolPred Gennadiy Apanasenko also had a chance at winning, but only if the Center was willing to resort to the crudest of election strong-arm tactics.  "Apanasenko has no popular support.  People will only vote for him because they fear what might happen if they oppose him and he wins."  Kuznetsov planned to meet with PolPred Pulikovskiy next week.  If asked, he planned to tell him to drop the support of his Deputy since the latter would not be perceived if legitimate if he won.

 

Kuznetsov expressed nothing but derision at the current antics of ex-First Deputy Governor Tolstoshein.  "The man has no shame.  First he sues to get his old job back, and now he is threatening to write a tell-all memoir.  He can't tell all, or he'll go to jail."

 

Admiration for Ishayev

 

Kuznetsov expressed admiration for Khabarovsk Kray Governor Ishayev, who he described as an old friend and colleague.  "He has a fearsome reputation," Kuznetsov said, "and he does have complete control of Khabarovsk.  But he is nevertheless a little soft-hearted.  He has people on his staff that I would have fired long ago, just because he doesn't like to let people go." 

 

Anti-Americanism in Vladivostok

 

Kuznetsov said there was some anti-Americanism in Vladivostok, but not as much as people might suppose.  Partly this was a hangover from Nazdratenko, who "had 200 propagandists on his staff"  ready to blame foreigners, especially Chinese and Americans, for any failures in Primorye.  Kuznetsov said that his contacts with DVGU students indicated that the younger generation, at least, had lost its wariness of foreigners and was eager for increased contacts.

 

Kuznetsov will return to Primorye the week before the elections and has promised to drop by for another conversation.

 

Tuesday, April 24, 2001

No. 007 Andrew Fox Pessimistic on Prospects for Improvement in Primorye Investment Climate

  

                                                                                                                 No. 7

 

                                                  


                                             U.S. Consulate General, Vladivostok

                                                                April 24, 2001

 

 

 

 

Andrew Fox Pessimistic on Prospects for Improvement in Primorye Investment Climate

 

I met on the afternoon of April 24 with Andrew Fox, the Honorary British Consul and representative of Tiger Securities in Vladivostok.  Andrew had just completed a series of shareholder meetings involving FESCO (Friday), Nakhodka Shipping Port (Monday), and his own company Farmazol (today). He reported on the outcomes of those meetings and his general assessment of Primorye's political and economic situation. 

 

FESCO -- Foreigners Heading for the Exits

 

As predicted by FESCO Marketing Manager Richard Thomas (see the previous e-mail, attached), the board voted Myskov out as Chairman. It confirmed Lugovets and Nadein as CEO and Deputy, respectively.  In an unexpected development, no foreigners were voted to the 11-member board.  Fox said his firm's shares amounted to less than four percent of the company, but he had expected that foreigners would get a seat anyway, if just for show.  Fox said that he and his partners would be trying to sell their shares for around $2.5 million -- a deep discount considering his estimate of the total worth of FESCO at approximately $250-300 million (Thomas had estimated $400 million).  Fox said this was just one more indicator of Primorye's parlous state of foreign investments.  Despite Putin's politically correct statements on foreign investors in Russia, the fact was that in Primorye, they were still streaming for the exits and with good cause.

 

Nakhodka Shipping Port -- Russians Playing Dirty Pool

 

Fox and his partners also had a 25% stake in Nakhodka Shipping Port, the second largest port in Primorye after Vostochniy, with assets valued at around $30 million.  Fox noted that he and his partners, seeing which way the wind blew, sold out last year to the principal stockholder and General Director company, Geliy Nikolayevich Myasnikov.  They were willing to accept a steep discount in the share price in this case, but after the deal had been signed for $2.0 million, Myasnikov reneged and made a new offer of $1.0 million.  Fox and his partners balked.  At yesterday's shareholder meeting, Myasnikov and his allies gained total control of the company by polling 75.2% of shares.  Fox said this would enable them to issue new stock and dilute foreign holdings to next to nothing.  Fox, justifiably dubious of any possibility of a court solution,  was looking for a way to sell the company's remaining shares for whatever he could get.

 

Farmazol -- Not Yet a Target

 

Fox said he had recently purchased 56% of this small company and expected it to be in profit in four to five years.  The company currently markets herbal medicines and teas and has recently acquired an "eternal" lease on 400 hectares of good agricultural land near Vladivostok's airport.

 

The Gubernatorial Election -- Who is the Lesser Evil?

 

Fox was quite scathing in his critique of nearly all the major gubernatorial candidates.  Fox expected little change in business conditions if the current favorite, Acting Governor Dubinin, was elected since "Dubinin is Nazdratenko's man."  He thought former mayor Cherepkov and PolPred Deputy Apanasenko also had a good chance at taking the election, although the latter seemed to need to better manage his campaign.  Fox's bottom line was that prospects could have been better for significantly improving business conditions no matter which of the three major candidates became governor -- even Apanasenko.  Fox's preference was for PRISCO General Director Kirilichev. Fox and his investors held about 7% of PRISCO's shares, and it was one of the few investments Fox had where he had not had to fend off dubious Russian takeover bids.  In fact, dealing with Kirilichev was like dealing with a normal businessman.  Unfortunately, Fox said, Kirilichev's chances of winning the governorship were small. 

 

Addressees:  Please forward as appropriate.

James F. Schumaker
Acting Consul General
Vladivostok, Russia
Telephone 7(4232)30-00-70
Fax 7(4232)26-02-48
SchumakerJF@State.Gov
jfs@compuserve.com

THIS E-MAIL IS UNCLASSIFIED IAW E.O. 12958.

 

 

Attachment:  FESCO Floundering, But a Little Bit of Light Appears at the End of the Tunnel

 

 

Richard Thomas, the newly-appointed Marketing Manager for the Far East Shipping Company (FESCO), called on me at the Consulate General on April 18.

 

Changes Coming at FESCO

 

Thomas said that on April 20, there will be a meeting of the FESCO Board of Directors at which the current Chairman of the Board,  Viktor Mis'kov, will be sacked.  Mis'kov, who is 71,  has been with FESCO in one capacity or another since 1990.  He and another board member, Yevgeniy Ambrosov, are currently under investigation for asset stripping and other financial irregularities.  Thomas added that Mis'kov 's son-in-law, currently FESCO's representative in Australia, is also under investigation, as is Mis'kov 's son, currently in Sweden.  The latter has a reputation as a ne'er do well who lost big money -- most of it FESCOs -- in local casinos.  Thomas said he did not know who would replace Mis'kov, although it was likely that the Federal Ministry of Transport, which now owned about 20 percent of FESCO's shares,  would nominate someone as "absentee chairman."  CEO Lugovets and his Deputy Nadein would be retained and continue to run the company as they had for the past year.  Foreign interests, once accounting for 40 percent of FESCO's shares, were now below five percent and would be represented by Andrew Fox (British Honorary Consul and Chairman of Tiger Securities).  The remaining seats on the 11-member board would go to Russians -- none, apparently, with direct ties to the Primorye local government.

 

  

FESCO is in Deep Financial Trouble but Climbing Back

 

Thomas reported that FESCO was trying to set its house in order but had dug a tremendous hole in the 1990s and nearly collapsed during the 1998 financial crisis.  In 1992, FESCO owned over a hundred ships with a net worth of over a billion dollars.  After a decade of asset stripping and rake-offs by the Nazdratenko regime, its net worth was less than 400 million.  Also, its shipping fleet was down to about 70 dry cargo vessels, but several new container ships promised to turn FESCO's profit picture around.  Moore Stevens, FESCO's accounting firm, reported that in 1999 FESCO lost over $60 million; in 2000, over $50 million, and projections for 2001 showed a loss of about $40 million.  The highly-cooked Russian books for this period show a slight profit each year, including a gain of 32.9 million rubles for 2000.  However, even the Russian accountants had to admit that FESCO would pay no dividend this year, the first time that has happened in recent memory.  Despite the relatively gloomy profit picture, Moore Stevens believes that FESCO, if appropriately managed, could start to show a profit within 3-4 years. 

   

Thomas said that with the demise of Nazdratenko and most of his Vice Governor allies, the years of asset stripping and "contributions" to the Primorye treasury were over.  "Besides which," he noted, "nearly everything worth stealing has been stolen." Despite the depredations of the Primorye leadership, FESCO  still ranked as the 34th largest shipping company in the world, and Thomas believed it could come back with proper management.  One enormous problem was FESCO's bloated payroll.  In Vladivostok alone, over 1,000 bureaucrats were working in FESCO's offices.

In contrast, in a normal shipping company of FESCO's size, there would be fewer than 200 (Lugovets has promised to trim the excess during his term in office, which expires in 2005).  Even worse, FESCO's overseas representatives had been bleeding the company white by setting up bogus businesses, contracting for the sale of equipment through these firms to FESCO at grossly inflated prices, and then pocketing the difference themselves.  Most of these "representatives," including Mis'kov 's relatives, would probably be fired and, in some cases, prosecuted.

 

 

PRISCO Doing Better

 

Thomas noted that FESCO's sister shipping company, PRISCO (Primorye Shipping Company) had weathered the decade of the 1990s somewhat better.  Headquartered in Nakhodka and run by current gubernatorial candidate Aleksandr Kirilichev, PRISCO had managed to preserve most of its shipping fleet, which now consists of about 45 tankers, and was worth more than $300 million.  Kirilichev, over the years, had also managed to re-flag most of his vessels.  This kept them from being "acquired" by the Primorye government or its allies and enabled Kirilichev to shelter much of PRISCO's income overseas.  Recently, anti-Kirilichev newspapers have been leveling the accusation that Kirilichev has been responsible for "capital flight" from Russia and should be prosecuted.  Thomas noted wryly that Kirilichev sponsored capital flight, but from Nazdratenko, not Russia.  

 

 

Biographic Note:  Richard Thomas, an American citizen, is a longtime resident of the Vladivostok area and knows the local scene well.  Originally a Russian Studies major at Wesleyan, he studied at MGU in the mid-1980s and became fascinated with life in Russia.  He came to Vladivostok in 1992, married a Russian citizen, and has lived here ever since.  He was editor of the Vladivostok News (English version) from 1995 until 1998, when the paper folded.  Before that, he taught at DVGU (Far East State University) in Vladivostok.  From 1997 until 1999 he was a member of the Board of Directors of FESCO, representing foreign shareholders.  In 1999, he started up an English-language newspaper in Yuzhno-Sakhalinsk but left when organized criminal elements started moving in.  Most recently, he worked as head of the Investment and Securities Department at the Vladivostok Port Authority until he was appointed to his present position in November 2000.

 

Note on Share Ownership.  Officially, FESCO claims that it is still almost 40% foreign-owned, but this is disingenuous.  According to company records summarized by "Zolotoy Rog," the Federal Ministry of Transport owns 19.8% of shares through the Ministry of State Property (Mingosimuschestva).  According to "Zolotoy Rog," foreign interests account for 37%.  However, the two most significant "foreign" shareholders are "Sirapko Limited" and "Makhaon Limited." Both companies are registered in Cyprus and are likely fronts for Russian investors affiliated with Nazdratenko and Mis'kov. "Zolotoy Rog" also reports that foreign interests will be decreased to "a symbolic percent," which makes Thomas's figure (below 5%) sound reasonable.  Other significant shareholders include Dalnevostochniy Bank (12.9%) and Sovkomflot (5.7%).

 

Note on FESCO Board of Directors.  There are over 30 candidates for the 11 seats on the FESCO Board.  The federal government has submitted a list of 7 people whom it would like to see as members of the board, including two current FESCO executives (Aleksandr Lugovets and Aleksandr Zhiglitskiy), two people from the Federal Ministry of Transport (Sergey Zhelannov and Gleb Fedulov), two people from the Ministry of State Property (Irina Bogacheva and Gennadiy Bogatyrev), and Primorye Vice Governor Gennadiy Tokulenko. "Zolotoy Rog" also mentions that the Chairman of the Board of the regional branch of Morbank, Rashid Mursekayev, and his deputy Roman Pakhomov have submitted their candidacies independently.  Morbank is currently trying to buy up FESCO's "foreign" shares.

 

 

Monday, April 23, 2001

No. 006 Primorye Election Update: April 23, 2001

  

                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                 No. 6

 

                                                  


U.S. Consulate General, Vladivostok

       April 23, 2001

 

 

 

Primorye Election Update: April 23, 2001

 

Will the Real Gennadiy Apanasenko Please Stand Up?

 The April 21 deadline has passed for submitting signatures to the Election Commission, but not without the first of what we predict will be many dirty tricks in the runup to the May 27 election.  Just before the deadline, three new candidates filed with the election commission.  All were from St. Petersburg, and all were named Gennadiy Apanasenko!  The first Gennadiy is a pensioner, the second is unemployed, and the third is a truck driver (presumably highballing it to Vladivostok even as we speak).  The real Gennadiy Apanasenko ( PolPred Pulikovskiy's Deputy) appeared on various talk shows over the weekend trying to ignore questions about his namesakes, but it's pretty evident he's steamed.  In classic understatement, Commission Chairman Yevgeniy Khrustalyev noted that "the law gives anyone the right to advance their candidacy."  This brings the number of declared candidates to 34.

 

Registration to be Completed April 26 -- It Will be a Crowded Field.

 Meanwhile, the registration process continues, with most major candidates assured of a place on the ballot.  According to information as of April 23, six candidates have thus far successfully registered:  Communist Party Leader Grishukov, former Mayor Cherepkov, former Arbitration Court Head Loktionova, "Roliz" General Director Dar'kin, Primorye Shipping Company Director Kirilichev, and (drum roll) -- the real Gennadiy Apanasenko.  Apanasenko's registration was challenged, however, by Grishukov, which might lead one to mark him down as the prime suspect in the multiple Apanasenko caper -- were it not for the fact that nearly everyone else in the race is deemed capable of such a dirty trick as well.  Ten other candidates have submitted sufficient signatures for consideration by the Election Commission, which has until April 26 to determine whether to place them on the ballot.  These include Acting Governor Dubinin, former Black Sea Fleet Commander Kasatonov, Kray Duma Speaker Zhekov, Duma Deputies Rybalkin and Gil'zenberg, and "Dal'nevostochnaya Respublika" editor Cherevkov.  It is not known whether any of the false Apanasenkos are in this group.  Thus far, only one major candidate has been disqualified for insufficient valid signatures:  "Stroylyuks" Director Yuriy Dimidenko.

 

Tolstoshein Files Suit.

 Not being one to allow grass to grow under his feet, ex-First Deputy Governor Konstantin Tolstoshein, probably sensing (accurately) that he hasn't got a prayer as a legitimate gubernatorial candidate, has declared that on April 25, he will file suit in the Frunze District Court of Vladivostok to get his old job back.  Tolstoshein's contention is that PolPred Pulikovskiy and current Acting Governor Dubinin forced him to resign illegally. And, oh yes, he's asking for 300,000 rubles in punitive damages.  This is a lot in terms of recent court settlements but not in real money (R28 = $1.00).

 

But Life Goes On.

 However, for the average inhabitant of Vladivostok, the tempo of everyday life takes precedence over the smarmy -- if nonetheless amusing -- pre-election gyrations of the various gubernatorial hopefuls.  Last Saturday, over 60,000 people turned out for the "Aprel'skiy Subbotnik,"  raking leaves, cleaning up trash, and doing other civic chores that were once de rigeur in the Soviet state and which President Putin appears to be bringing back into fashion once again.  "Roliz" General Director Dar'kin did not miss the chance for a little politically-correct campaigning by turning out with his entire workforce, rake in hand, to do his bit for Putin and country.  On Sunday, the traditional "Roditel'skiy Den'" the week following Easter, thousands of ordinary citizens took advantage of the excellent Spring weather to make the annual pilgrimage to Vladivostok's two main cemeteries -- "Lesnoy" and "Morskoy," to tidy up the graves of their loved ones, to lay flowers, and -- admittedly -- to drink an extraordinary amount of vodka.  Life goes on.

 

 

 

Thursday, April 19, 2001

No. 005 The Primorye Gubernatorial Election: Welcome to the Twilight Zone

  

 

 

 

                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                        No. 5

                                                    


                                     U.S. Consulate General, Vladivostok

                                                           April 19, 2001

 

The Primorye Gubernatorial Election: Welcome to the Twilight Zone

 

As the April 21 deadline for submitting registration signatures approaches, the various gubernatorial hopefuls are engaging in ever-more desperate— and some would say downright strange—maneuvers to gain the advantage in the election race.  This E-Mail chronicles some of the stranger developments we have noted over the past few days.

1.  Apanasenko to Pulikovskiy: Registering is Hard to Do

 Rumors coming out of the Primorye Election Commission indicate that the Center’s anointed candidate, PolPred Deputy Gennadiy Apanasenko, may actually fall short of the necessary signatures and be disqualified from the election race.  This would leave the field to home-grown candidates, but many of them are having difficulty registering as well.  Thus far, only five of the 31 hopefuls have submitted enough signatures to be registered as candidates: Vladimir Grishukov, leader of the Primorye Communist Party;

Viktor Cherepkov, former mayor of Vladivostok; Aleskandr Kirilichev, Primorye Shipping Company General Director; Tat’yana Loktionova, former Chairman of the Primorye Arbitration Court; and Sergey Dar’kin, General Manager of “Roliz” (a Joint Stock Company).  Acting Governor Valentin Dubinin, the acknowledged front-runner, is expected to submit his signatures today, as is another heavyweight in the contest, Primorye Duma Chairman Sergey Zhekov.

2. Pulikovskiy Tells Leaders to “Take a Break.” Tolstoshein Volunteers his Services

During his flying visit to Primorye this week, PolPred Konstantin Pulikovskiy criticized Dubinin and Zhekov (as well as his own protege Apanasenko) for remaining on the job while campaigning, suggesting that they all “go on leave as quickly as possible.”  However unlikely this eventuality may be, former First Deputy Governor Konstantin Tolstoshein resurfaced in a radio interview today to declare his readiness to serve as acting Governor in Dubinin’s absence!  Simultaneously, the pro-Nazdratenko tabloid “Novosti” published a story alleging that Tolstoshein had never actually resigned his position as First Deputy Governor, and therefore could become acting Governor if Dubinin left.  We’re not sure how the Center will be taking all this news, but presumably not well.

3.  Cherepkov and Nazdratenko Sitting in a Tree, K-I-S-S-I-N-G

 Meanwhile, Gubernatorial hopeful Viktor Cherepkov has cemented his reputation in the popular mind as someone with more than just one screw loose by recently declaring that he and Nazdratenko are no longer mortal enemies, and that in fact they sort of like each other after all.  This precipitated the abrupt resignation of Vladimir Baturin, Cherepkov’s campaign director, and much of his election staff.  As readers may recall, Nazdratenko ousted Cherepkov from his position of Mayor of Vladivostok in December 1998 after a two-year struggle.  During the exchange of verbal fisticuffs, Nazdratenko accused Cherepkov, among other things, of being a UFO loony (see Vladivostok E-Gram 001 of  December 15, 2000).  Now, apparently, all is forgiven, with Cherepkov declaring after a restaurant meeting with Nazdratenko that his “views are actually quite close to those of the former Governor” (Novosti, April 17, 2001).  Political pundits, such as they are in this part of the world, theorize that Cherepkov is trying to gain the allegiance of rural voters in Primorye, with whom Nazdratenko is still very popular.  On the other hand, others make the observation that Cherepkov’s recent antics will almost certainly lose him votes in Vladivostok itself.

 4.  Nazdratenko: Tired of Fish?

Rumors circulating in Primorye indicate that former Governor Yevgeniy Nazdratenko may soon attempt a political comeback.  If, as appears likely, the State Fisheries Committee will be merged into the Agriculture Ministry at the end of April, Nazdratenko will in effect be out of a job—or at least one with a Ministerial portfolio.  According to talk on the street, Nazdratenko would then seek to have the Gubernatorial elections postponed until September or December and run for re-election. Alternatively, he would run in the December Primorye Duma elections in his hometown, Dal’negorsk.  Following that, Nazdratenko enthusiasts claim, he would almost certainly be elected as Chairman of the Primorye Duma, and become the “legislative governor” of the region.

I did tell you this was the Russian Far East, didn’t I?

Wednesday, December 27, 2000

No. 004 Pasko Pleads for Support

                                    




                                                                                                            No. 004

                     U.S. Consulate General in Vladivostok

                                                                           December 27, 2000

 

                                                                       

                             Pasko Pleads for Western Support

 

                                         By James Schumaker, A/Consul General











Capt. Grigoriy Pasko after his release from prison in 1999



 

Summary

 

1. (SBU) On December 15, Acting CG and Pol/Econ Assistant met with Grigoriy Pasko, a military journalist accused of treason by the FSB, to discuss recent developments in his case. Pasko believed that his retrial would begin in about two or three months’ time, and that the proceedings could drag on for more than a year. He was not optimistic about his chances for acquittal, and was hoping for assistance from Western human rights organizations and prominent political figures. Pasko said he was destitute, since the military would not allow him to retire, and was not paying him either, and since newspapers were reluctant to hire him as a freelance, for fear of coming under FSB scrutiny. Pasko said he was also troubled that the Japanese government had never once come to his defense. Pasko conveyed to A/CG a letter to the U.S. Congress (informal translation, edited for clarity, attached after para 8).  Pasko said he hoped that this could form the basis of a congressional letter-writing campaign on his behalf. 

 

 Background

 

 2. (U) Captain Second-Rank Grigoriy Pasko, a former correspondent of “Boyevaya Vakhta” (“Combat Duty”), was arrested by the Russian Federal Security Service (FSB) at Vladivostok airport on November 20, 1997 upon his return from a business trip to Japan. Pasko was accused of divulging state secrets by passing information to a Japanese news agency about Russia’s dumping of nuclear waste into the Pacific and the environmental pollution caused by spent missile fuel. 

 

Missile Fuel Leak at Konyushkovo Bay June 2000


 

 3. (U) Pasko was held in pre-trial detention during the FSB’s investigation of the charges against him, a process that took 20 months. Pasko’s indictment was classified as secret, making it difficult for his attorneys to mount a proper legal defense. The trial, which began on January 21, 1999, took six months. Pasko was charged with treason under

Article 275 of the Russian Federation Criminal Code. As the prosecution could not prove his guilt under this article, the charges were reduced and he was convicted instead of “misuse of official position,” article 285, Part I of the criminal code. The sentence for this charge was three years in prison. According to the State Duma’s Amnesty Decree of June 18, 1999, Pasko was granted amnesty and was released on July 20, 1999, having already served two thirds of his sentence in pre-trial detention. Neither side was satisfied with the verdict.  

 

4. (U) On September 22, 2000 Pacific Fleet Prosecutor Suchkov appealed the court’s decision to the Military Collegium in Moscow. Suchkov claimed that Pasko’s punishment was “too mild” and should be changed. Pasko also appealed to the Collegium, asking that the Court’s original verdict be dismissed and that he be found not guilty. On November 21, the Military Collegium of the Russian Supreme Court granted Suchkov’s appeal by annulling the decision of the Pacific Fleet Military Court. Pasko’s case was returned to the Pacific Fleet Military Court for a new trial.

 

Pasko Accompanied by Guards, 1997




Meeting with A/CG 

 

 5. (SBU) In his meeting with A/CG, Pasko said that he expected the new trial to last for at least a year. His case history was extremely long, comprising 22  thick volumes of documents that the new judges were supposed to study before making a decision. By the end of December 2000, the Military Collegium would decide who would be sitting on the board that would determine Pasko’s fate. Pasko was concerned (to put it mildly) that the judges chosen for his case would be pressured by the FSB into finding him guilty of treason. 

 

 6. (SBU) Pasko said he was afraid that he might be detained again during the investigative phase of the trial, which could last for 2-3 months. He said that the court could legally do this by claiming that he had somehow “interfered in court procedures and hindered the investigative process.”  Pasko added, however, that even if he was not detained, he faced another problem – unemployment. Currently he is not allowed to retire from the military, although his contract with the Ministry of Defense expired long ago, and he is not getting paid. No Russian newspaper wants to have him on staff because of fear of pressure from FSB. Pasko asked A/CG if the U.S. government might be able to provide him with a grant to write reports on human rights and free speech issues in Primorye (A/CG made no commitments). 

 

Japan Silent

 

 7. (SBU) Pasko also said that he wondered why the Japanese side had been silent for all these years, noting that “this casts a negative light not only on me, but also on the Japanese news agency that I supposedly passed secret information to.” Pasko asked for U.S. assistance in convincing the Japanese government to make a statement on his behalf.  

 

Letter to Congress

 

8. (SBU) Pasko also gave A/CG a letter he had written to the U.S. Congress. Pasko expressed the hope that interested congressmen would use this letter as the basis for letters of their own to Western parliamentarians and to the Russian authorities. In response to his request, A/CG undertook to pass the text of the letter to the Department, but made no commitments as to its eventual disposition. Pasko also gave us an e-mail address where persons or organizations interested in his plight could contact him: pasko@marine.su.

 

 

 

 Attachment: Pasko’s Letter to U.S. Congress 

 

Begin text.

 

Dear Sirs! 

 

On November 21, 1997 I was arrested on a charge of treason. This was the way in which the Russian Federal Security Service (FSB) tried to cast my professional contacts with the Japanese mass media. 

 

On July 20, 1999 the Pacific Fleet Military Court dropped the charge of treason, and I was charged with misuse of an official position. Taking into consideration all the facts of the case, the court released me from custody. 

 

On November 21, 2000 the Military Collegium of the Russian Supreme Court upheld the appeal of the Military Prosecutor's office and cancelled the decision of the Pacific Fleet Military Court. My case was returned to the Pacific Fleet Military Court for a new hearing. 

 

All of the evidence in this case and all the investigative documents demonstrate the flimsiness of the FSB's accusations. Anybody interested in getting acquainted with these materials and documents can do so by accessing "The Case of Grigoriy Pasko" and "The Case of Pasko - 2," which are published on the Internet by the Public Committee in Defense of Grigoriy Pasko at www.index.org.ru. (At present, the Public Committee is trying to translate all the materials on the website into English).

 

The evident unsoundness of the charges has caused a serious public reaction. The court received more than 20,000 letters and appeals from individuals and public organizations from all over the world. In January of 1999 "Amnesty International" declared me a "prisoner of conscience." 

 

If the upcoming court hearing were a solely legal matter, I would have no reason to bother you with my requests.  Unfortunately, I have a serious misgivings that this trial will not be limited just to court procedures, but will turn into a case of political persecution.

 

My concerns are heightened by the public statements of top Russian law-enforcement officials. Despite the evidence in the case, these officials proclaim that it is imperative for the state to convict me.

 

Moreover, I am not allowed to retire from the military, although my contract with the Ministry of Defense expired long ago.

 

In view of these facts, I appeal to you to look into my case and inform the Russian side about your views on it by any means that are allowed by your status and authority.  Such attention by you will help shield the judges in my case from external FSB pressure, allowing my case to be decided according to the law.

 

Military Journalist                  Grigoriy Pasko 

 2 Ivanovskaya St., Apt.24, Vladivostok,

690005, Russia 

 

December 15, 2000  [Signature] 

 

End text.

 

Note:  The original Russian text of the letter follows on page 6 (print is faint):