Tuesday, September 11, 2001

9/11

Excerpt from Draft Chapter 12.3
Vladivostok 2000-2002

Recalled to the Service.
I returned from LA to Washington on September 1 to begin processing out, and then back into the Department, in effect being formally retired and recalled on the same day. It was a happy time for me, and I decided to celebrate by flying first class on Delta. It was one of the last truly pleasant flights I ever had in the continental United States, with luxury service and no security hassles. I wound up sitting just behind former Secretary of State Madeleine Albright, and movie star Robert Duvall, who seemed to be enjoying the flight as much as I was.

I arrived in Washington without incident, and spent the next week finishing up my paperwork to complete my retirement and recall to the Service. I started off with the Retirement Office, where I was met with suspicion by the office staff, who were not used to dealing with someone who was retiring and then immediately coming back into the Service. They didn’t like being shaken out of their normal routine, which, as far as I could gather, was torpid. I remember one staffer in particular, who commented callously, while I was signing the documents willing my benefits to my Mother in the event of my death, that it was a good idea to designate a beneficiary since “most people don’t last long” after retirement. I restrained myself from a cutting remark (“We’ll see who dies first,” came immediately to mind), and got out of there as soon as I could.

9/11.
I signed the recall papers on the afternoon of September 10, and then began preparations to return to Vladivostok to serve as Consul General.  I was looking forward to working in Primorye, a place I had grown to love, and was busily figuring out what to take from my Capitol Hill house, and what to leave behind.  That evening, I went out to Mr. Henry's on the Hill and ordered my traditional meal: turkey on pumpernickel with lettuce and mayonnaise, two cokes, and cheesecake and coffee for dessert.  I was content, and thought to myself that nothing could spoil the good mood I was in.

The next morning, everything changed.  Around 9am, I turned on the TV, and found out that just a few minutes before there had been a tragic accident. A plane had apparently flown into the World Trade Center. I looked at the live pictures, and listened to the commentator, who thought that it might have been a small commuter plane.  I couldn't tell from the pictures just how big the plane was, but surely, I thought, the TV reporter must be right.  Like me, he was fooled by the
911 Pentagon Memorial

vast size of the building. The fact that a fully-loaded 767 had flown into the World Trade Center was not yet known.  I was still watching when, suddenly, on live TV, a second 767 flew into the other tower of the World Trade Center. After recovering from the shock, my thoughts immediately turned to terrorism, and the conclusion that it had to be Osama Bin Laden. As I sat there, it dawned on me that the attack might not be over. A few minutes later, I heard a tremendous explosion. It was so loud, at first I thought a plane might have flown into the Capitol Building, which was only five blocks from my townhouse. Then word came over the TV that the Pentagon had been hit. There were reports of a fire on the Mall, and some correspondents thought that the State Department or the White House might also have been hit.

It was too much to take in. As I watched on TV, first the South Tower, and then the North Tower collapsed. My mother called up from San Clemente, and in a panic-stricken voice asked: “Honey, what's happening?” I told her my best guess, and assured her that I was OK and she shouldn't worry. After that, I turned off the TV. I didn't turn it on again for a week. I didn't want to see those pictures, or anything like them, again.  Even after ten years, I still turn off the TV whenever those pictures are shown.  I saw the towers fall once, and that was already too much to bear.

Monday, June 18, 2001

No. 046 Primorye Election Update: Monday June 18, 2001 // Darkin Wins the Governorship…..// …..But More Court Cases Await

Darkin Wins, June 2001

When I was first assigned to Vladivostok as Acting Consul General in 2001, I followed the gubernatorial elections closely and made the acquaintance of many of the candidates, including the eventual winner, Sergey Darkin.  I liked Sergey Mikhailovich, and his second wife, the actress Larisa Bogoraz, and was pleased when Darkin won the gubernatorial election, despite the rather crude efforts of Putin supporters to put in their own man, Gennadiy Apanasenko.  Although a political neophyte who was subsequently burdened by accusations of corruption and organized crime connections, Darkin made his peace with Moscow and remained Governor for the next 11 years.  He "resigned" on February 28, 2012, presumably when he lost Putin's favor.  

What follows is one of the many E-Grams I wrote in Vladivostok tracking the Primorye gubernatorial election and Darkin's rising political fortunes.  I am told that Colin Powell read the report and liked it, as it was representative of one of the Department's earlier attempts to move beyond the cable format and put a little more modernity into political reporting.  The E-Gram depicts Darkin in his heyday when hopes were high and his image was relatively untarnished.  How times change.


                                                
                                    U.S. Consulate General, Vladivostok
                                                                                   
                                     Primorye Election Update: Monday June 18, 2001

     


1.  Darkin Wins the Governorship…..


Darkin's Signature Campaign Poster

With Primorye’s skies appropriately overcast and gloomy, and Vladivostok encased in fog, voters went to the polls in record-low numbers on Sunday to elect the next Governor of Primorye.  By midnight, it was clear that “Roliz” Chairman Sergey Darkin had emerged victorious over his main opponent “Kandidat Protiv Vsekh” (Candidate “Against All”).  With 95% of the vote in, Darkin had approximately 40% of the vote, “Against All” had 33.5%, and the unfortunate Deputy PolPred Gennadiy Apanasenko trailed the field with 24%.  Turnout was significantly lower than in the first round, but at 31% was sufficient to pass the 25% barrier.  Therefore, the elections can be said to “have taken place,” as local officials here are wont to say.  Turnout was lighter in Vladivostok and Nakhodka and heavier in Nazdratenko strongholds in the northern part of Primorye.  In Vladivostok, 56% voted “Against All”, while in Nazdratenko’s hometown of Dalnegorsk over 60% voted for Darkin.  Close to that number also voted for Darkin in his own hometown of Bolshoy Kamen.  The official results will likely not be known until Thursday.  The inauguration ceremony will be set for sometime within the next two weeks, once the final results are certified.  In a post-mortem on Apanasenko’s benighted campaign on TV6’s “Itogi,” Merkator analyst Anatoliy Oreshkin judged Apanasenko’s efforts doomed from the start by PolPred Pulikovskiy’s “primitive methods.”  No one understood, he said, that the support of the Center would be a liability in Primorye, not an asset.  We would note that in the end, all that was left to Apanasenko and his supporters was a last-minute attempt to invalidate the elections by illegally striking Cherepkov from the ballot, in the hope that Primoryans would react strongly and “Against All” would beat Darkin. Primoryans did indeed react strongly, but the slick Darkin campaign, and Nazdratenko’s firm support, were enough to get Sergey Darkin safely past the post.


2.      …..But More Court Cases Await

According to Regional Election Commission Head Sergey Knyazev, there were no significant violations of the election law on election day (although a bomb did go off next to a Tax Inspectorate Office, which happened to be near one of Primorye’s 1600 voting points).  However, several court cases are being prepared.  Primorye Duma Deputy Vladimir Gilgenberg’s complaint (E-Gram 45) will be heard by the Primorye Regional Court on June 19.  Central Election Commission Chief Veshnyakov has told reporters that even if Cherepkov wins his case, the result of the election will not change.  In view of Primorye’s turbulent electoral history, however, we will wait and see on that one.  Deputy PolPred Apanasenko expressed his disgust with Primorye’s “dirty election” in an interview with the press on Sunday but said he would not contest the results (however, his staff indicates differently).  In a classic case of projection, Apanasenko also expressed doubt that Sergey Darkin was up to the job of Governor of Primorye.  Darkin commented that the voters seemed to think otherwise, and left it at that.  Candidate “Against All” has given no interviews as of yet.  Finally, the latest hot rumor is that ex-Candidate Valentin Dubinin will be returning from vacation today, and will be taking over as acting Governor from Konstantin Tolstoshein.  If that indeed does happen, it would be a fitting tribute to this, the most unusual election campaign in the history of the Russian Far East. 



The Primorye Electoral Map


Friday, May 11, 2001

No. 017 Primorye Election Update: May 11, 2001 // Primorye Duma Addresses Plea to Putin // Dubinin on His Way Out? // Apanasenko and Pulikovskiy: One is Stalin, the Other is a Tank // Latest Poll Puts Cherepkov in the Lead

No. 016 Primorye Election Campaign Songs: May 10, 2001

                                                            

 

                                                                                                       No. 16

                                                    

                  

                                                     U.S. Consulate General, Vladivostok

                                                                           May 10, 2001

 

 

Primorye Election Campaign Songs: May 10, 2001

 

 

 

1.  Kirilichev:  Ahead in the Race for Catchy Slogans, But That’s About All

Sasha Kirilichev: A Song in His Heart

PRISCO Chairman Aleksandr Kirilichev may be trailing in the polls, but that has not stopped him from churning out endless campaign slogans at the rate of about one a day.  While Sergey Darkin is content with the rather obvious slogan “Zdes Nam Zhit” (Here We Live), Apanasenko with “Order and Heat for Primorye,” and Dubinin with “Znayet, Umeyet, Rabotayet” (He Knows, He Knows How, He Works), Kirilichev is not content with just one catchphrase.  This week, he came up with two new ones:  “Khozyaystvovat a ne khozyanichat” (loosely – “work for the people and not oneself), and “Zhit a ne prozyabat” (loosely – why just survive when you can live well?).  Perhaps in recognition of Victory Day, May 9, Kirilichev has even come out with a campaign song, to the tune of the theme of the very popular war movie “Belorusskiy Vokzal.” The song goes like this:


Здесь окна не горят и трубы холодны

А нам все время говорят:

" Вы - дальний край страны"...

 

Но, мы  устали ждать ответа,

Сними  невзгод с нас тяжкий груз

Нам так нужна одна твоя победа!

Кириличев, Приморью- новый курс,

Кириличев, Приморью- новый курс.

 

Нас ждут борьба и споры,

Мы верим в силу чувств.

Сомненья прочь, мы повторяем снова:

Кириличев, Приморью- новый курс,

Кириличев, Приморью- новый курс.

 

Very loosely translated:

 

No light shines through the windows,

And all the pipes are cold.

You’re at the end of this fine earth

Is all we’re ever told.

 

We’re tired of no good answer,

And this burden on our backs,

We need your victory so much-

For that we’ll give our thanks

 

Kirilichev, Primorye, a new course!

Kirilichev, Primorye, a new course!

 

Strife and struggle await us,

But we know what we believe,

There is no doubt among us

Of the one we want to lead:

 

Kirilichev - Primorye!

Kirilichev - Primorye!


2.      Darkin Releases Stealth Campaign Song

He’s in the Top Ten – Songwriters, that is

In keeping with the ancient Primoryan custom of campaigning while appearing not to campaign, a new pop tune has hit the top of the charts in Primorye. The song is called “Nam Zdes Zhit” (We Are Meant to Live Here.  It’s a pretty catchy tune, and not everyone knows that the song was commissioned by “Roliz” Director Sergey Darkin as a way of injecting his main campaign slogan into the popular consciousness.  The song, which is a sort of feel-good paean to Primorye, goes like this:

 

Вдаль уходят города,

Чайки мчатся над волнами,

И горит вечерняя звезда

Над моими парусами!

 

А земля, земля она всегда

Остается с нами.

Спят на сопках облака,

Листья склоны укрывают

Слышно как бежит, бежит река,

Птицы улетают.

И в моей руке твоя рука,

Осень золотая

 

Нам здесь жить, сеять хлеб, детей растить,

Строить общий дом,

Дом,  в котором мы живем

Край родной , мы останемся с тобой,

Потому что нам здесь жить!

 

Утром солнечного дня

Нас с тобой зовет  дорога.

Для тебя, для нас и для меня

Это значит очень много.

Впереди свободная земля,

Это очень много.

 

Нам здесь жить, сеять хлеб, детей растить,

Строить общий дом,

Дом, в котором мы живем.

Край родной, мы останемся с тобой

Потому что нам здесь жить!

 

 

 

The towns recede, they’re far away;

As sea-gulls race over waves;

The Evening Star is shining bright

Above my sails it blazes!

 

But the Land is always here;

It stays with us forever.

The clouds sleep on its highland peaks;

The green will leave them never;

You can hear a river running;

And birds are flying by.

And your hand is in my hand,

This golden autumn will never die.

 

We are meant to live here,

To plow our crops and raise our kids.

To build our home and never-

Ever leave but stay forever.

Our home, our Kray,

Because we are meant to live here!

 

It’s a morning full of sun,

The road ahead awaits us -

For you, for me, for all, for one

This means so much to us.

A free land lies ahead

This means so much to us!

 

We are meant to live here,

To plow our crops and raise our kids.

To build our home and never-

Ever leave but stay forever.

Our home, our Kray,

Because we are meant to live here!

 

Kind of makes you all misty-eyed, doesn’t it?

 

Thursday, May 10, 2001

No. 015 Primorye Election Update: May 10, 2001 Duma Deputy Alleges Belchuk Coerced into Resigning

 


                                                            

 

 

 

                                                         

                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                        No. 15

                                                    


                                                U.S. Consulate General, Vladivostok

                                                                      May 10, 2001

 

 

Primorye Election Update: May 10, 2001

 

1.      Duma Deputy Alleges Belchuk Coerced into Resigning

Solovyev: Belchuk was Threatened

 

During a Victory Day interview program on Radio Lemma, opposition Primorye Duma Deputy Sergey Solovyev related some of the circumstances surrounding Igor Belchuk’s resignation in favor of Konstantin Tolstoshein.  According to Solovyev, Belchuk reported that in the days before his resignation he had received numerous threats against his family and himself personally, and in the end, he felt compelled to resign.  Belchuk would not say who made the threats, but the modus operandi suggests Tolstoshein or his supporters as the primary suspects.  According to the 1997 Kondratov report, Tolstoshein maintained close ties throughout the 1990s with several organized crime families in Primorye and relied upon two such families to provide guard services for his many enterprises (all registered in the names of close relatives).

 

2Election Irregularities and Dueling Polls Proliferate as Candidates Trade Accusations

Perhaps quite predictably, in one of his first measures as Acting Governor Konstantin Tolstoshein sent a complaint to the Primorye Election Commission about “violations” of the electoral law committed by Valentin Dubinin. These included starving the Election Commission of money during his tenure as Acting Governor, engaging in election campaigning before being registered as a candidate, and using the Vladivostok White House as his personal election headquarters.  Tolstoshein has also been peppering the airwaves with his protestations of support for Pulikovskiy deputy Gennadiy Apanasenko as the next Governor of Primorye.  For his part, Dubinin has appeared on local TV and in an interview in “Utro Rossii” accusing Apanasenko and Pulikovskiy in all but name of orchestrating Tolstoshein’s return, while noting pointedly that President Putin had nothing to do with these most recent political maneuvers.  Dubinin also said that Mayor Kopylov, a Nazdratenko man, had also sided with Apanasenko after an audit of city finances was called off.

Meanwhile, not to be outdone, Aleksandr Kirilichev filed complaints against all the major candidates, asking them to be taken off the ballot due to various violations of the election law.  However, none of the complaints were upheld by the Election Commission.  In the battle of the pollsters, one polling organization reported that the race was now down to three persons: ex-Mayor Cherepkov with 24 percent, Gennadiy Apanasenko with 19 percent, and Aleksandr Kirilichev with 15 percent.  Unfortunately, it turns out that the poll was commissioned by Apanasenko’s campaign organization, so its results are, shall we say, suspect.  Similarly, another poll shows that Dubinin is leading with 19 percent followed by Kirilichev, Cherepkov, and Grishukov. Fifth place goes to Sergey Darkin at six percent; however, according to this poll support for Darkin is growing faster than that for any other candidate.  One guess as to whose organization commissioned this poll.

The one constant in all the inter-candidate bickering is that the one candidate who has done scarcely any campaigning at all – Viktor Cherepkov – is either leading or in the top two contenders.  Dark Horse Darkin is also coming up on the outside – enough so that a few dirty tricks are being played on him. For example, at a meeting of voters yesterday in the town of Yaroslavsk, at which Darkin was due to speak to War Veterans, the microphone was cut off and local officials began shooing war veterans and factory workers out of the auditorium despite Darkin’s protests.


3.  The Official Gazette Puts in an Appearance

Apanasenko’s supporters are also making their own contribution to violations of the election law.  Just after Apanasenko was registered, an ”independent” newspaper called “Official Gazette” made its appearance on the streets of Vladivostok.  Its circulation is a phenomenal 650,000 and it is being circulated for free.  Strangely, for an “independent” newspaper, its stories all seem to have the same slant – they are almost all about Apanasenko and what a great guy he is.  Like much of the sub-rosa campaigning done by local political organizations, there is no indication, other than the editorial content, that the paper is actually a campaign broadsheet for the Center’s choice.

 


 

 

 

 

Tuesday, May 8, 2001

No. 014 Primorye Election Update: May 8, 2001 Primorye Duma Deputies Upset over Tolstoshein Return

                                                            

 

                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                   No. 14

                                                    


                                                     U.S. Consulate General, Vladivostok

                                                                           May 8, 2001

 

 

Primorye Election Update: May 8, 2001

 

 

1.  Primorye Duma Deputies Upset over Tolstoshein Return

The Primorye Duma leadership is considering possible moves against Konstantin Tolstoshein to prevent him from remaining as Acting Governor – or even First Deputy.  This move is somewhat unexpected since in Nazdratenko’s time a solid majority of the 39-member Duma were considered to be strong supporters of the ex-Governor (26 are members of Nazdratenko’s fraction “Vozrozhdeniye Primorya”).  However, this support has not translated into loyalty – or even kind feelings – toward Nazdratenko’s First Deputy.

Umanets: No to
Leapfrogging Deputies
Deputy Duma Speaker Boris Umanets decried the third change in Acting Governor within the past two weeks as "Administrative leap-frog". Opposition Leader Sergey Dudnik also called the recent turnover of Acting Governors “illegal.”  The Deputies have agreed to meet on May 11 to consider further actions, which may include a vote of no confidence against Tolstoshein, a Resolution defining the legal conditions under which Acting Governors are appointed, or a direct appeal to President Putin to put the situation right.  According to Yuriy Rybalkin, Duma deputy and gubernatorial candidate, almost all Duma Deputies would rather have someone other than Tolstoshein as  Acting Governor. For a vote of no confidence against Tolstoshein to succeed, a two-thirds majority would be needed.  According to Opposition Deputy Sergey Solovyev, a vote of no confidence would appear to be beyond the ability of the current Duma leadership.

 

2.  Duma Also Miffed at Kremlin Meddling

 At the same May 11 meeting, the Primorye Duma Deputies are also likely to send an appeal to President Putin to stop trying to pressure the Duma into supporting the Center’s chosen candidate, Gennadiy Apanasenko.   Deputies described the activities of Polpred Pulikovskiy and Deputy Presidential Administration Head Vladislav Surkov at this weekend’s meeting at Spassk Dalniy as “a direct violation of the Constitution of the Russian Federation.” Duma Deputies and many other observers also believe that Pulikovskiy is not entirely innocent in the fracas leading up to the return of Konstantin Tolstoshein.  In the view of these observers, Pulikovskiy actually aided Tolstoshein’s effort, with the ultimate objective of weakening the early favorite, Valentin Dubinin by denying the latter the use of the Kray apparat as a campaign staff.  This, in the minds of many observers, means that yet another unholy alliance has been formed, this time between Pulikovskiy and Tolstoshein, to better the chances of the Center’s failing candidate, Apanasenko.  In another ominous sign, Primorye Election Commission Chairman Sergey Knyazev reported today that government funding for the Commission’s activities had inexplicably ceased -- this despite the fact that the Duma had allocated 16 million rubles for that purpose.  Knyazev fears that if funds are withheld much longer, it could affect the ability of the Commission to hold the May 27 gubernatorial elections.

 

3.  Zyuganov’s Coming to Town

Circus, Anyone?

Meanwhile, Russian Communist Party Chief Gennadiy Zyuganov has made his definitive pronunciamento on the elections in Primorye, noting that “serious people cannot take part in such a circus.”  Following this, in a breathtaking leap of illogic, Zyuganov then announced his intention to travel to Vladivostok on May 12 to campaign for his favorite candidate, Primorye Communist Party leader Vladimir Grishukov.   This has led some wags to note that Zyuganov is coming to Primorye because he heard the circus needed another clown.

 

 



Happy Victory Day, Everyone

 

Monday, May 7, 2001

No. 013 Primorye Election Update: May 7, 2001 Moscow Delivers Round Table Ultimatum

 

 

                                                                                                                            No. 013

 

                                                     
   

                      U.S. Consulate General Vladivostok

                                                                      May 7, 2001

            

 

 

Primorye Election Update: May 7, 2001

 

 

1.  Moscow Delivers Round Table Ultimatum

The Moscow-sponsored Round Table met in Primorye on Saturday afternoon.  The meeting, which took place in the agricultural town of Spassk Dalniy to the north of Vladivostok, was ostensibly billed as a discussion of agricultural policy.  However, this premise was somewhat undermined by the original guest list, which included all 14 gubernatorial candidates, as well as newly-crowned vice Governor Tolstoshein, ex-Governor Nazdratenko and Moscow emissaries Vladislav Surkov (Deputy Head of the Presidential Administration), Nikolay Patrushev (FSB Chief) and Boris Gryzlov (Minister of Internal Affairs).  As it turned out, Patrushev and Gryzlov did not make the trip. Nazdratenko also stayed behind in Moscow, and neither Tolstoshein nor most of the gubernatorial candidates showed up, leaving the field pretty much to Pulikovskiy, Apanasenko, and Surkov.

The press was not admitted to the meeting, but according to Primorye Duma Deputy Tatyana Sirotenko, who was there, Surkov was quite direct in explaining that Moscow saw only Apanasenko as an acceptable candidate for Governor.  If anyone else was elected, all the regional chiefs of the power ministries (FSB, MVD, Procuracy) in Primorye would be sacked and Moscow would introduce direct Presidential rule, with Pulikovskiy assuming the powers of Governor.  Surkov was quoted as saying that Primorye is a “politicheskaya luzha" (loosely – political tarbaby), and that “only Apanasenko can save Primorye.”

Following the meeting, and keeping with the ostensible agricultural theme, Pulikovskiy commented that while Primorye lacked thirty agricultural enterprise directors, Tolstoshein and 14 others were trying to become Governor of Primorye. Perhaps, he noted caustically, a few of them should try heading up a Kolkhoz instead.

 

2.  Tolstoshein Becomes Acting Governor


Bel’chuk and Tolstoshein – Passing the Torch


 


 










Meanwhile, the Vladivostok White House appeared to be thumbing its collective nose at Moscow.  This morning, Igor’ Bel’chuk resigned as Acting Governor (Decree 337, signed by Bel’chuk) and Konstantin Tolstoshein assumed full power as Acting Governor (Decree 338, signed by Tolstoshein).  Informed sources in the Vladivostok White House tell us that they expect Tolstoshein to start “cleaning house” vigorously, and to bring back many Nazdratenko supporters.  Over the weekend, Tolstoshein gave an interview to the press in which he described the current Kray Administration as the “election headquarters of one candidate (Dubinin), and that he intended to heed the orders of only two people – Pulikovskiy and Putin.  Pulikovskiy has publicly expressed his dismay at Tolstoshein’s return to power but apparently is not ready or able to do much about it.  Following a meeting over the weekend with Tolstoshein, Pulikovskiy attempted to put the best face on things by noting that Tolstoshein’s return was a result of a court order, and therefore legal.  Pulikovskiy said that he was prepared to meet with Tolstoshein again, and said that Tolstoshein told him that he only wanted to resume power to “clear his name” (evidently he plans to be Governor for life).  Some press reports indicate that Moscow now holds Pulikovskiy fully accountable for the current disreputable state of affairs in Primorye, thus further undermining his position.


3.  Kirilichev Not an Alternative

Kirilichev in May – Not Likely

 

      

 








Given Apanasenko’s poor poll numbers, some have speculated that perhaps PRISCO chief Kirilichev might be acceptable to Moscow as an alternative candidate for Governor.  However, local analysts believe this will be impossible, now that the SPS (Union of Right Forces) has endorsed Kirilichev, and moved him away from the political center.  In addition, Kirilichev has come under serious criticism from previous supporters.  In an article in Saturday’s “Krasnaya Znamya, former political ally and Primorye Duma Deputy Sergey Grats accused Kirilichev of failing to pay his debts for previous campaigns, and refusing to support the political campaigns of those, like Grats and ex-Mayor Cherepkov, who once supported him.